Excerpt: Ambakisye-Okang Olatunde
Dukuzumurenyi, Revolution: A People’s Methodology of Regime Change Essays on a Theory of
Afrikan Socio-political Economic Liberation with an Exposition on the first
Black War of National Liberation: Kushite KMT/Kemet & the Expulsion of the
Kushite Kanaanite Hyksos c. 2681-2706 KC [c. 1560-1535 BCE] [Iringa, Tanzania: University of New Timbuktu
System SBЗ/Seba Press, 2014]
Afrikan
Socio-Political Economic Reconstruction
"It
is through political, economic, and military action that we must
change our circumstances. If those things are not applied in the context of our
education then we are being educated just to be servants - educated servants.
Because it is the intention of Europeans that Blacks never escape their condition
of servitude. A higher education means that we will just be educated servants-
nothing more, nothing less." [Mhenga Amos N. Wilson][i]
An
authentic Afrikan SЗHW/Sahu SBЗ/Seba [Kush/Kemet: Education System] with a
curriculum developed around the power determining constants of control
of the domain of discourse; military differentials; economic differentials;
technological differentials; power of definition; purpose of education;
definition of intelligence and nation-building inclusive of state management;
policy design, implementation, evaluation, modification, strategic management
and strategic planning is a SЗHW/Sahu
SBЗ/Seba
that has as its goal the erection of authentic Afrikan socio-political economic
power and is following the template of the many Afrikan global powers that have
etched their names and achievements upon the papyrus and granite stone books of
world history. Its task is to
substantively solve the pressing problems arising from Eurasian domination of
Global Wafrika Weusi
[Kiswahili: Black Afrikans] Nations.
To change
this situation Afrikans must fully engage in the continuing
re-development of Wafrika Weusi counter-vailing power,
through
progressive populist socio-political economic engagement in the communities of
the Afrikan Diaspora[ii] and
in the nations of continental Afrika. To begin the type of substantive
progressive socio-political economic public policies which must be enacted
include:
1) Active Afrikan socio-political economic
action through strategic delinking from the current international political
economy and the forming of regionally and Sub-Saharan integrated closed
domestic economies secured politically and militarily by a sub-Saharan
political economic confederation and shielded by protectionist political
economic public policies, along with resource nationalization and a substantive
rewriting of the current laws of conducting business throughout sub-Saharan
Afrika by removing so-called tax break incentives for foreign corporations
doing business in Afrika, which are in reality nothing more than a means of
passing the burden of doing business away from the multinational corporation
and onto the grassroots Afrikan populations, who are in theory supposed to be
benefiting from this example of Foreign Direct Investment and resource
development. There also must be a removal of public policy hindrances to worker
unionization, the elevation of craft and trade unions to government ministries
and the subsidized elevation of worker pay to life sustaining levels;
2) The implementation of egalitarian measures
such as progressive graduated taxation on the wealthy Afrikan neo-colonial
comprador class and foreign corporations, justified by considerations on the
nature and methods by which that wealth was acquired, over centuries namely
through murder and the exploitation of Afrikan labor, lands and resources in a
political economic SЗHW/Sahu [Kush/Kemet: System] which privileges Eurasians over Afrikans even
in Afrikan lands;
3) A policy of extensive government
investment in rural health and SBЗ/Seba [Kush/Kemet:
Education],
along with the subsidization of rural small farmer agriculture through programs
aimed at women farmers working through formal and informal local women
cooperative organizations, and the establishment of a guaranteed income;
4) The immortalization of the ‘Rights of
Nature’ through the setting down in stone in the manner of the Wahenga na Wahenguzi [Kiswahili: Ancestors] and the placement
throughout the nation of granite-markers commemorating the enactment of
communal laws enshrining the ‘Rights of Nature’ and the protection and
expansion of indigenous forestation;
5) The enactment of laws protecting the
sustainable, holistic use of the land, respecting the sanctity of the earth
and, forbidding non-Afrikan land ownership and land use as well as enshrining
Afrikan communal land ownership and social land guardianship in honor of the
Creator, in remembrance of the Wahenga na Wahenguzi and on behalf of the
Beautyful Ones Not Yet Born;
6) Extensive state and local coordinated
infrastructure development, infrastructure maintenance and infrastructure
rehabilitation utilizing Afrikan technical expertise and local labor only;
7) State and local coordinated industrial
policy centered on inter-Afrikan manufacture, inter-Afrikan trade and mutual
inter-Afrikan reconstruction and development and the subsidization of
industries such as artisan and textile manufacturing;
8) The limitation or severe constraining of
capital export and a revaluation of Afrikan currency theory and the foundations
of exchange rates along with the creation of a gold backed sub-Saharan wide
currency minted from Afrikan gold and used in all transactions involving
Afrikan nationalized natural resources and all other socio-political economic
exchanges and serving as the reserve currency of all Afrikan and Afrikan
Diaspora peoples. Such an Afrikan currency will shift the balance of global
power to sub-Saharan Afrika as under such a currency the wealth of a nation
would center on gold reserves as opposed to the current system which determines
wealth based on the total amount of U.S. Dollars exchanged, as the U.S. Dollar
along with the European Union Euro is in high demand with the U.S. Dollar being
the current reserve currency globally;
9) The setting and enforcement of minimum
import levels;
10) The unified invalidation, nullification
and repudiation by sub-Saharan Afrikan grassroots representative organizations
of the Afrikan neo-colonial comprador initiated foreign debt, which is a tool
of neo-colonialist control of Afrikan resources through the subtle methodology
of western centered international finance and imperialist controlled
international trade; and,
11) The total rejection and complete
abandonment of imperialist foreign aid.
These
public policies recognize that Afrikan nations must follow a course of action
which leads to the extrication of Afrikan socio-political economics from the fallacy
of so-called ‘Free Market’ discipline, while advocating and implementing high
levels of domestic market protectionism.
The
colonially imported, militarily imposed, Afrikan neo-colonial comprador managed
Eurasian doctrine of ‘Free Trade’ and Open Market Economics is centered on the
economic fallacy that consumption is the basis of national prosperity. This idea is a fallacy with regards to
neo-colonies, which have had their internal socio-political economic structures
destroyed or coercively altered from the doctrine of national self-sustaining,
self-sufficiency to that of imperial economic dependency. In point of fact, socio-political economic
consumption is intimately connected with socio-political economic production
and socio-political economic production is the actual basis of national
socio-political economic prosperity. When a government, for example a so-called
developing country government, centers its socio-political economic public
policy on the theory of consumption, that government is automatically focusing
the socio-political economic well-being of the grassroots of the nation on the
current, present consumption of currently existing commodities, goods and
services. In a neo-colony or developing country which has an socio-political
economic infrastructure designed to export raw resources to former colonial and
now neo-colonial imperial masters there is either an unprotected small scale
industrial sector, such as textiles for example or no existing internal small
or large scale industrial structure with a supporting SЗHW/Sahu SBЗ/Seba thus all or the vast
majority of existing commodities, goods and services are of foreign
origin. As all socio-political economic
public policies in the neo-colonial setting are designed to support ‘Free
Trade,’ which means that there are no socio-political economic barriers in
place to protect local enterprises from the well-developed multi-national
government subsidized corporate enterprises of North America, Europe, Asia and
increasingly South America the local Afrikan socio-political economy becomes a
dumping zone for cheaply produced foreign goods, which are also of a poor
quality when compared to locally made Afrikan handicrafts.
On
the other hand a socio-political economic public policy designed around socio-political
economic production is future oriented.
Such a public policy gives careful consideration to both the details of
the production of commodities, goods and services as well as to the
circumstances under which commodities, goods and services can be sustainably
produced in a continuous fashion at unvarying intervals and are therefore
conveniently accessible for Afrikan grassroots consumption in the long
term. A long term socio-political
economic public policy centered on production also gives careful thought to the
rate of consumption of commodities, goods and services over time by the Afrikan
grassroots as it is interdependent on the rate of production of commodities,
goods and services, to the average rate of growth of the Afrikan grassroots population,
to long term procurability of commodities, goods and services by the Afrikan
grassroots or the distribution of such items among them, as well as to resource
availability in the event of the probability of natural and man-made disasters
which can severely cripple or totally annihilate the resource base and
industrial productive capabilities of a nation. Hence natural prosperity and
the well-being of the Afrikan grassroots is dependent on the state of
development of productive capacities and its related industries, those that
feed into the industrial system and those that depend on the product as the
basis of their business activities and not on a socio-political economic public
policy of consumption. ‘Free Trade’ is
an imperialist public policy best adapted and applied only with regards to the
internal trading relations of the Afrikan grassroots of a socio-political
economic community and not to external trading relations among nations,
especially amongst nations that have imperfectly developed internal
socio-political economic structures. As a socio-political economy is the
outgrowth of a culture, any culture that seeks to utilize a particular
socio-political economy must adapt it to fit the mores, norms and values of
their culture. ‘Free Trade’ is born of
an expansionary hegemonic Eurasian culture and is a belief under the larger
theory of Savage Capitalism, i.e. the Eurasian ideology of socio-political
economic catastrophe. For so-called
‘Free Trade Capitalism’ to be used by Afrikan societies it must be adjusted to
fit the cultural norms of traditional Afrikan communities.
Additionally,
the protectionist socio-political
economic public policies here advocated
will enshrine into contemporary Afrikan Law:
1) The customary
sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies designed to ensure the
right of each member of each extended Afrikan family to a self-reliant,
socially oriented, psychologically and spiritually remunerative community-enhancing
profession in the industries, crafts, trades , agricultural arts or national
mines of whichever Afrikan nation they reside without prejudicial regard to
ethnicity, religion or gender;
2) The customary
sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies brought forth to guarantee
the opportunity of each member of each extended Afrikan family to produce or earn
enough to provide optimally adequate food, clothing, and shelter;
3) The customary
sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies established with the
intentionality of protecting the right of every Afrikan farmer to raise enough
food to feed the extended family and to provide a surplus for the community and
nation as a means of making certain that Afrikan society consistently maintains
a state of food security, with the farmer being able to sell his surplus
products at a government subsidized price, which will provide the extended
Afrikan family with a dignified living;
4) The customary
sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies evolved by the Wahenga na
Wahenguzi to secure the inviolable right of every Afrikan socio-political
economic entrepreneur, both those of large scale and small scale enterprises,
to trade in an communal atmosphere of Uhuru [Kiswahili: Freedom], which is devoid of government corruption, unharmonious
competition and domination by local or foreign monopolies with local monopolies
being restricted in size and foreign monopolies being totally excluded from
Afrikan market participation;
5) The customary
sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies founded by the Creator to
assure the sacrosanct right of every extend Afrikan family to an accommodating,
environmentally sound family-compound/home;
6) The customary
sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies protected by the Creator
and Wahenga na Wahenguzi and confirming the right to optimal medical care and
the right to nutritious foods, which make certain the achievement and enjoyment
of quality optimal health;
7) The customary
sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies existing since the
beginning of autochthonous Afrikans and guaranteeing the right to a free,
quality optimal Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Mwafrika [Kiswahili: Afrikan High Culture] SBЗ/Seba and vocational schooling.
What
is being suggested is an Afrikan oriented program designed to provide a
self-sufficient, sustainable livelihood, standard of living to all Afrikans by
redistributing the common-wealth of the Afrikan nation among all of the people
throughout all segments of Afrikan society. The ethics of such a program stems
from the moral reprehensibility of an Afrikan government allowing any of its
citizens to be reduced to a status of impoverishment, i.e., to be forced to be without
optimally adequate food, clothing and shelter even while the country is a net
exporter of food and clothing is abundant, but priced out of their ability to
pay and optimal housing is unavailable as a result of a lack of income. All of these symptoms stemming from a violent
socio-political economic SЗHW/Sahu of structurally induced institutional
genocide born of Eurasian domination and exploitation. This is a socio-political
economic SЗHW/Sahu that transgresses customary
Afrikan law which is based on sacred concepts of honor and obligation. It
violates the sacred nature of life a value common to all Afrikan peoples. Most importantly such a SЗHW/Sahu
of
socio-political economics upsets the natural order and harmony of life;
dispossessing MЗ‘T/Maat in favor of ISFT/Isfet.
The current socio-political economic SЗHW/Sahu
of
Eurasian domination and exploitation is an extremely destructive force sparing
no one, crushing woman and man, girl, boy and infant, young and old and the
Beautiful Ones Not Yet Born. The
established Eurasian socioeconomic and socio-political structures murder Afrikan
people by the millions. The enslavement and colonization of Afrikans and the
enslavement of women and children for forced labor and sexual trafficking today
are socioeconomic institutions which are supported by socio-political
institutions and murder millions through political and economic violence. The socio-political
economic public policies, supported by political violence or the threat
thereof, which allow the ruthless exploitation and murder of billions across
the world by market-oriented multinational corporations and Afrikan
neo-colonial comprador collaborators in all countries is yet another example of
how the legal structures of Eurasian domination can be and generally are
sadistically violent. As Jacques Ellul stated:
“Unjust economic
systems can be as violent as rampaging armies: “All kinds of violence are the
same ...the violence of the soldier who kills, the revolutionary who
assassinates; it is true also of economic violence-the violence of the
privileged corporate owner against his workers, of the 'haves' against the
'haves-not'; the violence done in international economic relations between
Western Nations and those of the developing world; the violence done through
powerful corporations which exploit the resources of a country that is unable
to defend itself.”[iii]
The
affluence of the Eurasian Nations depends on unjust socio-political economic
structures that make the West rich and Afrika, Asia, Latin America and the
Caribbean, and internal Afrikan colonies within the Western Nations, for example,
American Afrikans in the United States, diseased, hungry and impoverished. Land
throughout these areas is used to grow export crops to sell to the Western
Nations. That land ought to be used to feed the grassroots in those countries,
but it isn't given that the masses cannot pay and the Western imperialists can.
By their consumption based lifestyles, the socio-political economic structures
they blindly participate in which support those lifestyles and the political SЗHW/Sahu
that
they maintain by participating in SЗHW/Sahu preservationist symbolic
politics, i.e., voting, the citizens of the Eurasian countries participate in
murder. The socio-political economic
straits, in which Afrikan nations find themselves due to the voluntary
participation of the Afrikan neo-colonial comprador class, also results in the
skewed distribution of resources within Afrikan society. Afrikan countries and communities have a wide
disparity between the small neo-colonial comprador elite and the grassroots. Socio-political
economic reconstruction of Afrikan society is a near economic and political
impossibility as long as between 80-95% of the nation’s wealth is concentrated
in the possession of between 1-15% of the population.
To
obtain the goal of providing a self-sufficient, sustainable livelihood,
standard of living to all Afrikans a ceiling should be set for annual income,
net worth and inheritable wealth by the design and implementation of a
progressive graduated income and inheritance tax. Furthermore, the
nationalization of natural resources and the tax on the revenues generated
there from will be an additional source of revenue to finance the social
programs. The taxes generated will be used
for:
1) Public works infrastructure development
and maintenance such as of dams, roads and bridge construction;
2) Providing Wazee [Kiswahili: Elders]
over a certain age with a superannuation fund;
3) Providing Afrikan families which have an
income below a set income floor with a guaranteed family income stipend that
will allow for the provision of certain communally determined life necessities
on an annual basis;
4) State subsidized primary, secondary and
university SBЗ/Seba and vocation schooling and employment
programs;
5) Military service veterans and national
service stipends;
6) Creation and maintenance of state
subsidized network of free public hospitals, free health clinics and
immunizations programs for the impoverished; and,
7) The setting of a price ceiling on public
utilities such as electricity and water, and the regulation of enterprises
which provide other fundamental goods and services such as commodity
production.
This
course of action will transform the Afrikan citizen’s perception of the role of
the government and of their role as government officials and as citizens. It
places the government into the role of a servant, provider and protector of
themselves as in a communal society the people and the government are one and
the same. These programs when implemented will substantively reduce the cost of
living for Afrikan people especially the impoverished majority. For
Afrikan citizens will no longer be required to pay for certain life
necessities, such as quality SBЗ/Seba and
optimal healthcare, which the majority cannot afford and therefore do without
thus dramatically increasing future impoverishment, disease and death.[iv] In
the final analysis:
“In the contemporary
world of affluence and poverty, where man's major crime is murder by privilege,
revolution
against the established order is the criterion of a living faith...Truly I say
to you, as you did it not to one of the least of these, you did it not to me
[Matt. 25:45]. The murder of the Christ continues. Great societies build on
dying men.” [James Douglass][v]
Thus there is both an egalitarian and moral
rationale that underlies the necessity of Afrikan socio-political economic
grassroots development through an authentically Afrikan SЗHW/Sahu SBЗ/Seba.
Global
Wafrika Weusi Nations to a great extent must become closed socio-political
economies which mean that they should compellingly delink from the Eurasian
contrived and controlled global economy through a redefinition of their current
role as raw material exporters; a complete rejection of free market discipline
and other capitalist principles. Further actions should focus on implementing protectionist
socio-political economic and cultural public policies, which greatly reduce
capital export and product imports; and redesigning socio-political
institutions along authentic Afrikan democratic and egalitarian
traditions. One key area here is in the implementation of policies of political
economic coordination of industrial and infrastructure reconstruction. Finally, there should be massive socio-political
investment in health and SBЗ/Seba.[vi]
The
Afrikan SBЗ/Seba is especially important for
this is the key socio-political economic institution which will take the lead
with competent personnel in the awakening of the critical and creative
consciousness of Global Wafrika Weusi peoples.
This is the socio-political economic institution which by being centered
in the Afrikan socio-historical cultural experience and focused on the key
power constants listed above can develop the type of spiritual, cognitive,
affective and psycho-motor physiologically aware Afrikans necessary to carry
out a program of Afrikan socio-political economic reconstruction through
disengagement from Eurasian institutions and thereby exemplifying true
liberatory Afrikan Agency.
[i] Amos
N. Wilson, The Falsification of Afrikan Consciousness: Eurocentric History,
Psychiatry and the Politics of White Supremacy (New York: Afrikan World
Infosystems, 1993) pp. 18.
[ii] The
election of President Barak Obama as President of the United States of America
does not represent substantive political economic engagement on the part of the
grassroots of the Afrikan Diaspora and it is not real change. Instead, the
elections are nothing more than apparent change and are merely an example of
elite manipulation of the grassroots for elite ends. American politics is
primarily Plural-Elitist in nature, which means that competing elites who agree
on the basics of the social order as well as on the projection of hegemonic
power but who disagree on the methodology of implementation engage in
structured political campaigns or combat.
Each is represented in general by one of two parties, and each sets the
rules of political participation so as to eliminate the development of any real
mass oriented populist parties. The
Plural-Elites choose candidates that agree on the basic rules of the social
system and fund them placing them before the mass public and to varying degrees
opening the corporate media them. The
grassroots are allowed to choose among safe interests as defined by
Plural-Elites. The sudden ‘rise’ of Barak Obama through the American political
system is akin to the placement of Enslaved Afrikans as Generals in the Arab
armies of conquest, even when these enslaved Afrikans seized power they ruled
in accordance to Arab cultural paradigms. The power structure, which includes
the ruling ethnic[s] group[s], any police apparatus, governors, bureaucrats,
kwk, serve, manage, administrate, enact, enforce the policies of the ruling
class in a country in any historical time. If they seize power ‘illegitimately
or obtain it ‘legally’ they rule according to the dictates of the dominant
culture, seldom if ever do they do otherwise. None of the Enslaved Afrikans who
were made generals or who became Caliphs, Viziers and the like used their power
for Afrikan Liberation. The Afrikan Septimus Severus who became Emperor of Rome
c. 4443-4452 KC [c. 202-211 CE] was an excellent Roman Emperor ruling according
to the rules set down by Rome from its inception as a regional power in c. 4750
KC [c. 509 CE] He did not seek to liberate conquered Afrikan lands. President Barak Obama during his two
Presidential Administrations has continued the economic and military policies
that were implemented by President George W. Bush. At best President Obama has
engaged in pseudo-symbolic political action towards Afrikan people. During his
administration the fundamental sociological, economic, political,
psychological, historical, and religious relationships between Eurasians,
Americans and Global Wafrika Weusi people has not changed. It is still defined
by domination. To go a step further the idea that the Executive office of any
nation is the center of power is obsolete in an International Political Economy
where Corporations weld enormous economic power and paramilitary capabilities
and mass produced sophisticated military weaponry. The actual core of power more appropriately
resides in the G8 Finance Ministers and the Central Banks of the economic
powerhouses of the Triad composed of the United States, the European Union,
China and Japan.
[iii] Jacques Ellul, Propaganda: The Formation of
Men's Attitudes Konrad Kellen & Jean Lerner (Trans.) (New York: Knopf, 1965)
[iv] “Poverty: A hellish state to
be in. It is no virtue. It is a crime.
To be poor, is to be hungry without possible hope of food; to be sick
without hope of medicine; to be tired and sleepy without a place to lay one's
head; to be naked without the hope of clothing; to be despised and comfortless.
To be poor is to be a fit subject for crime and hell. The hungry man steals bread and thereby
breaks the eighth commandment; by his state he breaks all the laws of God and
man and becomes an outcast. In thought and deed he covets his neighbor's goods;
comfortless as he is he seeks his neighbor's wife; to him there is no other
course but sin and death. That is the way of poverty. No one wants to be poor.”
From: Marcus Garvey, The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey
Ed. Amy Jaques-Garvey (New York City: UNIA, 1923)
[v] James W. Douglass, The Non-Violent Cross: A
Theology of Revolution and Peace (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf & Stock, 1968)
[vi] Peter R. Mitchell and John Schoeffel, Understanding
Power: The Indispensable Chomsky (New York: The New Press, 2002)
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